Tuesday, April 6, 2021

What Is "Social Justice Politics"?

I was quite taken with this essay by Freddie DeBoer on social justice politics. I recommend it in its entirely though by no means do I agree with all of it (he does, after all, identify himself as a "communist", which makes him more than a little bit to my left). Here are some choice excerpts from the essay, which does a fine job of pinpointing the deeply counterproductive nature of this kind of politics.
He defines "social justice politics" as:
"[T]he political movement you are all aware of, the one which combines several schools of academic progressivism such as intersectionality, trans-inclusionary feminism, and anti-racism with a focus on interpersonal relations as the primary site of political activity, resistance towards economic class as a political lens, and a belief in the essentially immutable prevalence of bigotry, all expressed through an abstruse vocabulary that signals adherence to this movement and its social culture."
Great definition! He goes on to list some of the principal aspects of the movement:
"The desire to find fault in everyone and everything damages your basic perception of the world and make it harder to express your moral purpose. There are times when people are targeted for social exclusion because of perceived violation of social justice norms where many people react not with objection but with confusion; the alleged violation is premised on academic theories so complex and inscrutable that it’s hard for ordinary people to sort them out.....An obvious conclusion one must draw from social justice politics is that most people are inherently bigoted, perhaps irredeemably so. It’s hard to see how someone could not derive that from the basic ideology. It is now perfectly common for people within that world to say that all white people are racist, in the interpersonal sense - that is, that all white people harbor animus and fear towards people of color. And those who do not go that far still see all white people as parts of a structurally racist system which they personally benefit from and uphold via their passive behavior at the very least. Similarly all cisgender people are assumed to perpetuate transphobia, again at least through participation in normal transphobic society and usually through active prejudice, patriarchy conditions the thoughts and behavior of all men and many unenlightened women, etc. Simply taking the basic texts and values of this tradition at face value leads you inevitably to the conclusion that almost everyone you encounter in contemporary society is a bad person.....
Because a vast infrastructure of social justice publications, think tanks, and “consultants” have sprung up to monetize elite interest in these politics, progress in fact becomes threatening; success undercuts your reason for getting paid. (This is true of the think tank industrial complex/professional activism in general. Young leftists, go in fear of organizers with business cards.) In contrast, permanent failure permits those within the social justice movement to be righteous critics of society in perpetuity, and that position is more fun and socially rewarding than doing the work of building an actually just society....
One problem with this fatalistic belief in the universality and inevitability of bigotry is that many or most people find it profoundly unattractive. The progenitors of this school of politics created the social expectation that racism is a uniquely pernicious evil, as it certainly is. But, for one thing, the more you generalize and universalize an accusation, the less it has meaning. Terms like “problematic” have become parodies of themselves because of their relentless application. More importantly, this dynamic makes it really hard to apply social justice politics in mass spaces....[T]he takeover of establishment media by social justice has alienated the ~40% of the country that identifies as conservative, and as I said above, in fact the vast majority of Americans are indicted by the ideology. People don’t like being accused of bigotry through mass generalizations by the tiny slice of America (urban, college educated, socially liberal, culturally elitist) that produces the vast majority of our news.....
Social justice politics are obsessive about the linguistic, symbolic, cultural, discursive, and academic to the detriment of the material. The reasons for this are pretty plain: the parts of contemporary society that the social justice world controls are media, academia, the arts, nonprofits - in other words, the domains of ideas, the immaterial. The man with only a hammer seeing a world full of nails, etc. But this means that basic aspects of material suffering ultimately receive scant attention."
He then goes on to describe a bizarre social justice twitter fight that broke out about the "racial coding" of the Knuckles character in the Sonic the Hedgehog video games. Very amusing. But he draws some lessons from it. Here's one:
"Because social justice politics avers that the personal is always political and that all human conditions have political valence, political analysis (and political posturing) infects every aspect of human life. So something that many people enjoy as a respite from the things that make them tired in life becomes aggressively politicized. Something like video games. In fact “aggressively politicized” is not going far enough. They become mandatorily politicized. In video game media saying “keep your politics out of my video games” has become a trigger of immediate mockery and shorthand for “the wrong kind of gamer.” The website Kotaku, made up almost universally of people who embrace social justice politics, has long been a forerunner in telling its audience that they have a sacred obligation to view their hobby first through a political lens. But a huge portion of video game sites now tow this line. Sports coverage has become deeply politicized as well. (RIP.) In both fields suggesting that media coverage should not be all political all the time will get you painted as some kind of oafish anachronism. But most people hate politics. Most people don’t want to think about politics. Most people engage with politics when they feel that they have to but otherwise want to avoid them. Politics are unpleasant.....
The insistence that all things have political valence, no matter how ridiculous; that every last aspect of your life is a potential site of political struggle; and that these struggles are of vast importance even though they have no material impact on the world - these things combine to make social justice politics totalizing and yet unserious, inescapable and thus mundane, unremarkable. Paradoxically the intense emotionalism of this school of politics, the insistence that feeling a particular way amounts to doing something, must inevitably leave its proponents unable to make basic distinctions of priority and practice, unwilling to distinguish between what makes them feel intensely and what could make the largest impact in real-world terms. This is not a popular sentiment, to say the least, but it is true: oppression is not emotional, oppression is material."
He concludes, quite rightly in my view:
"The question is not “should the social justice agenda be implemented,” but instead “can the social justice agenda possibly win?” The social justice world is seemingly incapable of making intelligent and strategic decisions about where and how and why to politicize any given issue. The discursive and social practices of that world seem almost designed to make those politics strange and alienating to most people, of any gender or race. It operates as though the world has an infinite supply of outrage and that regular people will respond the right way, when you ring the bell, again and again. And its myopic emphasis on the gender semiotics of Dr. Who, or whatever the fuck, over the day-to-day realities of actual human inequality robs it of both moral clarity and the ability to focus on what actually matters. The problems with this school of politics are abundant, overflowing, and many people who espouse them every day do so purely out of fear of social censure. They can do great damage. But they cannot win."
Exactly. Those on the left who do want to win need to recognize this kind of politics has to be marginalized, not encouraged. The future of the left depends on it.

Why Do Democrats Overrate the Partisan Importance of Changes in Voting Laws?

Matt Yglesias has an interesting thought about this:
"The smart analysts all say that the partisan narratives around this [voting law changes] are mostly wrong. Virginia’s very dramatic pro-voter and allegedly pro-Democratic changes to election administration, for example, didn’t really have the intended effect.
One way to think about these misperceptions is that after Obama’s two successful election campaigns, his main communications and message operatives sold out to go do corporate work. The veterans of his organizing operations, by contrast, had fewer marketable skills and generally more left-wing convictions, so they stuck around in politics and took over the Democratic Party — telling everyone that investing in organizing and turnout rather than in rigorous message-testing is the way to win.
More broadly, ideologues on both sides like to overrate the idea that you can manipulate the composition of the electorate because it implies there are no electoral benefits to moderation. Yet it’s clear that Susan Collins won Maine even though Trump lost the state, and Jared Golden won the ME-1 congressional race even though Biden lost that district. That’s not because of some incredibly complicated series of turnout differentials; it’s because both Biden/Collins crossover voters and Trump/Golden crossover voters are real people who exist."
Message, persuasion, moderation where necessary. The Democrats shouldn't let the heavy breathing about voting laws distract them from this very central part of politics.

Don't Worry, Be Happy

John Halpin at The Liberal Patriot isn't telling us to go all Maher Baba but he does bring to bear some fascinating data on happiness that suggest America is not perhaps the dystopian hellscape some on both the right and the left make it out to be.
"The increasing life satisfaction for Americans in the World Happiness Report makes sense if you think about the big picture this question examines. Despite serious and ongoing problems for many people in the country, and widespread divisions and distrust, Americans on average feel pretty good about their position on the ladder of life—almost as good as those in other countries with far fewer people, more social trust, and more generous governments, and a lot higher than those in other countries with lots of people and far greater political dysfunction.
America is pretty darn good place to be if you step out of the miasma of despair and anger in our politics. We have a great country, and if we try to work together amiably on real challenges, we should be able to produce increasing happiness and prosperity for more people."
America is Better Than Its Politics
THELIBERALPATRIOT.SUBSTACK.COM
America is Better Than Its Politics
The World Happiness Report shows America in the top tier of the world’s happiest countries, so why does everyone seem so on edge?

Monday, April 5, 2021

No, the Georgia Voting Bill Is Not "Jim Crow in the 21st Century"

I wish the Georgia legislature had not passed this bill. Clearly their motives in doing so were not pristine concerns about election integrity but rather fury at the Democratic victories in Georgia and pressure from their base to do something--anything!--that would hurt the Democrats. As the Morning Dispatch noted:
"In many ways, SB 202 was borne of Republican lawmakers in Georgia facing immense pressure from their voters to “do something” about the election fraud the former president insisted was rampant. And early in the drafting process, some proposals floating around in the state legislature were highly questionable. These included eliminating no-excuse absentee voting entirely and prohibiting early voting on Sundays (which critics decried as targeting “souls to the polls” drives at black churches). But even though those suggestions didn’t make it into the final package, some Democrats continue to pretend that they did.
Those provisions—says Gabriel Sterling, the Republican election official who came to prominence for speaking out against GOP election disinformation back in December—“were phantoms that the leadership in both the Senate and the House told their guys, ‘Hey, introduce whatever you need to to cover yourself with your people.’ Now, I think that’s a terrible idea. But one thing I don’t know if I could express to your readers enough ... is in the Republican base, the level of anger, and fear, and sorrow, and despair.”
So that's why they did it and it's not a pretty picture. But when you look at the actual bill that was passed and signed into law, it's not nearly as bad as many Democrats--including the President--are making it out to be. There are actually a number of provisions that will make it a bit easier to vote, especially in person (more early voting, reduced waiting time at polling places) and the ID requirement for submitting absentee ballots (which are still allowed on a no-excuses basis) is not particularly onerous and is in fact widely supported by the public. Nathaniel Rakich on 538:
"[T]he public strongly supports one of the other major stipulations of Georgia’s new law: the ID requirement for absentee voting. That latest YouGov/The Economist poll found that Americans support requiring a photo ID in order to vote absentee, 53 percent to 28 percent. And Georgians are even more supportive: 74 percent of registered voters in the UGA/AJC poll backed requiring voters to include a copy of their photo ID or other documentation in order to vote by mail. Only 22 percent were opposed.
Indeed, voter ID laws — which Republicans have pushed for years — are quite popular in general. In another national poll out this week from Selzer & Co./Grinnell College, 56 percent of adults favored keeping laws that require people to show a photo ID before voting, while just 36 percent wanted to eliminate them. And this isn’t an opinion Americans suddenly adopted amid 2020’s specious claims of voter fraud. In fall 2018, the Pew Research Center found that 76 percent of Americans favored requiring everyone to show a government-issued photo ID in order to vote, versus only 23 percent who opposed it."
There's also very little evidence that voter ID laws how much, if any, effect on turnout. Much the same could be said about other provisions in the bill that put some minor obstacles in the way of casting a ballot (having 67 rather than 169 days to request an absentee ballot, some diminution of absentee ballot dropoff box availability). As Nate Cohn noted in excellent NYT article, convenience factors just don't typically have much an effect on turnout (automatic voter registration is much more important). As for the water thing , I predict that only will it not deter people from voting but it'll just piss people off and help the Democrats juice turnout.
So, Jim Crow for the 21st century it's not. And I don't think ratcheting up the rhetoric like this is particularly good for Democrats....or the country.

Saturday, April 3, 2021

The Fight for the Working Class

Who will win? I don't know but I do have some thoughts in my latest on The Liberal Patriot.
"It’s not exactly a state secret that the Democrats face a very difficult election in 2022. Their margins are razor-thin inn both the House and Senate. Since 1946 the incumbent President’s party has lost an average of 26 House seats and 2 Senate seats in first term midterm elections. That’s enough of course for Democrats to completely lose control of Congress.
So, can the Democrats break the midterm curse? Much depends on whether and to what extent they can win the fight for the working class in 2022. That means preventing another surge of white working class voters toward the Republicans and stopping the attrition of nonwhite, particularly Hispanic, voters from Democratic ranks.
The Republicans have the reverse idea. In a widely-noted memo to House minority leader Kevin McCarthy, Jim Banks, a Republican House member from Indiana, urged the GOP to cement itself “as the working class party”.
Read the rest at The Liberal Patriot. And subscribe!
The Fight for the Working Class in 2022
THELIBERALPATRIOT.SUBSTACK.COM
The Fight for the Working Class in 2022
It Could Be Make or Break for the Democrats

Revisiting The Emerging Democratic Majority

In 2002, John Judis and I published The Emerging Democratic Majority. I think it's fair to say that our book had some influence on political thinking. So...how does it hold up almost 20 years later?
Matt Yglesias does a nice job on his substack--fair and balanced!--looking back on our book and seeing where we were prescient and where we failed to anticipate important changes.
“The Emerging Democratic Majority”...is one of those books that’s widely referenced years after publication but typically in a kind of caricature form. Obviously, the Democratic majority that Teixeira and Judis forecast — driven by the growing nonwhite share of the electorate and the increasing liberalism of college-educated professionals and big metro areas — did not exactly emerge.
Nevertheless, the big demographic trends that the book is about did emerge, and they played out roughly the way they forecasted.
Some other things broke less favorably. But broadly speaking, I want to defend the relevance of the book’s main ideas.....
Judged by how many people voted for whom [the popular vote for President, Senate and House], it’s a decent Democratic majority that emerged:
Now of course that’s not the system we have, so Democrats’ actual results are less impressive. But to me, this looks like the Judis/Teixeira thesis ended up wrong for a mostly unexpected reason — the growth in the geographic skew of the electoral system.
That’s especially true because policy has been evolving to the left during this period.....
To me, one big lesson of revisiting the book is that it’s a reminder of just how difficult it is to make accurate forecasts about politics.
I think Judis and Teixeira got so many big analytic points right. But their book is mostly remembered as wrong because its topline forecast was, in fact, wrong, and it was wrong for two subtle, interrelated reasons. One is they didn’t appreciate the extent to which the growing liberalism of college-educated professionals living in big metro (one of the big things they predicted correctly) areas would, over time, actually change Democratic Party ideology in a way that repelled non-college white voters who’d been okay with Al Gore. The other is they didn’t account for how this would intersect with the skews of the electoral maps."
Very interesting assessment. I recommend it. You also might want to take a look at the essay I wrote on The Emerging Democratic Majority thesis for Persuasion. There's some overlap with Yglesias but also some differences.

Thursday, April 1, 2021

Dani Rodrik Says We're Not Out of the Woods Yet

And when Dani Rodrik talks, I listen. From an excellent interview of Rodrik by Martin Sandbu in the Financial Times:
"Martin Sandbu: Joe Biden has been in office for a few weeks now. I wanted to start by asking you for your reflections about the change of power in the US.
Dani Rodrik: I don’t think we’re necessarily done with the problems which Trump has leveraged politically.
I see him very much as being the result of significant economic dislocations and economic polarisation taking place, not just in the United States but among the advanced countries more generally, which the rightwing populists have used to catalyse and mobilise along nativist, ethno-nationalist lines.
I think the left has been very much, until recently, missing in action.
What we’re seeing with Biden is that the economic programme of the Democratic party has very much moved to the left . . . in a direction which the centre-left should have moved [towards] much more urgently and much sooner in the aftermath of the global financial crisis, for example.
MS: These dislocations are 30 years in the making and maybe even longer. Why did the Democrats and similar forces elsewhere not respond more adequately to these changes earlier on?
DR: I think that the Clinton Democrats, New Labour in [the UK], the Social Democrats in Germany, and the French Socialists as of the 90s had become enthralled to essentially adopting the neoliberal model and simply sweetening it, maybe with a little bit more help for the poor.
They did not have the kind of ideas and policy vision to fundamentally change the system and I think we saw that very clearly in the aftermath of the financial crisis.
In fact, they did as much if not more than the traditional conservative parties to push for globalisation, for the single market in Europe and for the liberalisation of financial and capital flows. That was very much pushed by the French Socialists in Europe.
MS: There is a debate around whether economics or culture are driving these shifts? People who resist economic explanations say it’s not the poorest or those who suffer the most who support populist rightwing movements.
DR: There certainly have been slow moving cultural trends: deepening division between social conservatives and social liberals or, in the US context, issues about racial politics [that] run very deep.
Without question, those are background conditions but . . . whether it is trade with China or austerity shocks in Europe . . . we can actually empirically trace how these economic shocks, especially in particular regions, have led to increases in support for parties of the extreme right and far-right populism. I think the kind of explanation we need is one that has to be more global.....
MS: What’s your best bet in terms of the debate about a new social contract domestically?
DR: Clearly, it’s an opportune time for a big change.
But that doesn’t mean that necessarily we’re going to get that change, so I think muddling through is as likely if not more likely. I am not sure Biden, in his heart, is really the person who is going to take big risks and is really going to be very courageous in contemplating the kind of structural change that we need.
If the pandemic disappears and we go back to normal, and economies start to grow because they’re simply catching up with their previous trend, will the pressure for systemic change dissipate? Quite possibly, frankly."