Saturday, November 20, 2021

Will Passing the BBB Help the Democrats?

Well....maybe....some. But I am skeptical passing the bill, even it gets through the Senate back to the House and finally to the President's desk, will do much to improve the Democrats' prospects in 2022. There's not much time for voters to feel the effects of the many, many measures in the bill (which at this point most voters are extremely confused about). Plus the shambolic and interminable horse-trading and hostage-taking that went into the bill was dreadful for the Democrats' image among normie voters. Finally, the historical record of parties benefiting in midterms from big legislation is, to put it kindly, spotty. Ron Brownstein:
"The lesson of history is that it is extremely difficult for presidents to translate legislative success in their first year into political success in the midterm elections of their second year. Those early achievements can boost presidents in their reelection bids, but in almost all cases they have not proved an antidote to the other midterm factors that cause the president’s party to lose ground in Congress.
Failing to pass their agenda could compound the Democrats’ problems by disillusioning their base and sending a message of dysfunction to swing voters. But completing the agenda isn’t likely to save them from the president’s party’s usual midterm losses unless voters also grow more optimistic about contemporary conditions in the country—particularly the fight against COVID-19 and the economic instability flowing from the persistent pandemic."
Perhaps I am not giving enough credit to the Democrats' mighty message machine once it gets cranked up. But I think recent experience and Democrats' resolute refusal to confront their sociocultural weaknesses (see my new substack post) does not inspire optimism in the efficacy of said machine.
Of course, this doesn't mean passing the BBB wasn't/isn't worthwhile. But let's be realistic about its probable political effects. There is still much work to be done, most of which has little to with the BBB.

Friday, November 19, 2021

Wanted: More Working Class Voters

In my latest for The Liberal Patriot I discuss how the Democrats can reach more working class voters, drawing on the new Jacobin study and explaining how the party could rebrand itself to be more attractive to such voters.
"Times are tough for the historic party of the working class. The divorce between Democrats and the working class just continues to grow. Despite a slight improvement, Democrats still lost white working class (noncollege) voters in 2020 by 26 points (Catalist two party vote). Since 2012, nonwhite working class voters have shifted away from the Democrats by 18 points, with a particularly sharp shift in the last election and particularly among Hispanics.
In the recent Virginia gubernatorial election, Democratic candidate Terry McAuliffe lost working class voters overall by 7 points, with large swings against the Democrats among the overwhelmingly working class Hispanic population (the same basic pattern can be seen in the New Jersey election results).
Recent generic Congressional ballot results show Democrats’ working class support as the mirror image of their college graduate support—strongly negative among working class voters, strongly positive among college graduate voters. But there are way more working class voters than college graduate voters.
It’s not a good look for the party of the working class to be losing so much working class support that it’s no longer, well, the party of the working class. But of course it goes way beyond the look to the realities of electoral performance and political power. Put simply, there’s just no way Democrats can maintain a consistent hold on political power with this level of working class support. And if there’s no consistent hold on power, the economic and social transformation they claim to be promoting cannot happen....
Working-class voters prefer progressive candidates who focus primarily on bread-and-butter economic issues, and who frame those issues in universal terms. This is especially true outside deep-blue parts of the country. Candidates whose campaigns focused primarily on universalist policy issues such as jobs, health care, and the economy performed better than those who focused on group-specific policies, such as racial justice or immigration. In addition, woke messaging decreased the appeal of other candidate characteristics. For example, candidates employing woke messaging who championed either centrist or progressive economic, health care, or civil rights policy priorities were viewed less favorably than their counterparts who championed the same priorities but opted for universalist messaging.....
A Democratic brand reset is clearly in order to stop the bleeding among working class voters, along the lines suggested by the Jacobin study. A good way to start would be to embrace widely-held American views and values that are particularly strong among the multiracial working class....
Besides positively embracing these views it is necessary for major Democratic officeholders and candidates to actively dissociate themselves and their party from the woke stances that contradict these views and tarnish their brand among working class voters. That entails not just saying that one does not endorse now-familiar strands of cultural leftism but in some well-chosen places directly criticizing by name some who hold extreme views that are associated with the Democrats. That will be of great assistance in getting the message through to average working class voters....
The truth of the matter is that these views are entirely consistent with a very progressive Democratic program in the areas of health care, education, social programs, jobs and the economy that would disproportionately benefit the poor and working class, and therefore blacks and Hispanics. And this approach, unlike the Democrats’ current default setting, has the potential to make the Democrats and their progressive policies consistent winners. In that sense, one might respond to the inevitable accusation that a universalist, mainstream approach is tantamount to throwing loyal Democratic constituencies in need of help “under the bus”: who is throwing whom under the bus? Perhaps it is those who stand in the way of a Democratic approach that could plausibly generate the widest possible support that are throwing those who need help the most under the bus."
Read the whole thing at The Liberal Patriot....and subscribe!

Wednesday, November 17, 2021

You Want Sustainability? You're Going to Need Sustainable Politics

The movement to contain climate change has certainly generated a lot of support on the center-left, particularly among elites and activists. What it hasn't generated is a serious, sustainable politics that could plausibly lead to the changes such elites and activists advocate.
Peter Juul runs the sad realities of this down in a new piece on The Liberal Patriot:
"Last Saturday, the COP26 global climate summit drew to a close in Glasgow. Though the usual suspects declared it a failure even before it finished, the conclave of world leaders and officials did yield some incremental progress on climate change....Ironically enough, the summit occurred in the midst of a global energy crunch that illustrates the limits inherent in contemporary climate politics. It’s a crisis that’s apparent in Europe, where a tight global natural gas market and the limitations of intermittent renewable energy sources like wind and solar have caused energy prices to spike in recent weeks and months. Here in the United States, average gasoline prices have soared well above their both their pre-pandemic and 2020 levels – to the point where a gallon of gas in October 2021 cost more than a dollar more than in October 2020. With winter coming in both the United States and Europe, moreover, higher natural gas prices will mean higher heating costs for average Americans and Europeans.
On both sides of the Atlantic, we’re seeing the shortcomings of our current climate politics and policies play out in real time with dreadful consequences for ordinary citizens. Spurred on by warnings of an inevitable climate apocalypse, over the past decade the United States and European nations embarked on energy transitions that weren’t fully thought through and, as a result, remain incomplete and inadequate to their energy needs. What’s more, these transitions have enhanced the geopolitical leverage of fossil fuel producers like Russia and Saudi Arabia – witness European fears about Russian gas diversion and National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan’s recent attempt to cajole Riyadh into increasing oil production.
In other words, today’s climate politics have become unsustainable."
Juul suggests three ways to remedy this unsustainable politics, all of which I heartily endorse:
1. "Be realistic and honest about energy transitions. Right now, climate politics and policies rest on heroic assumptions about the ability of renewable energy sources like wind and solar to meet the lion’s share of our energy needs. Despite the claims of many climate activists and advocacy groups, these intermittent sources can’t do so without help from coal, natural gas, or nuclear energy that can generate “baseload power” that keeps the lights on when the wind doesn’t blow and the sun doesn’t shine. That also means recognizing that we’ll still need sources of oil and gas during this transition period if we’re to avoid future energy crunches of the sort we’re seeing now. Careful planning will be required to phase out oil and gas over time without imposing unnecessary hardships on citizens and economies that currently depend upon them – hardships that could politically threaten these transitions. Realism and honesty about energy transitions doesn’t entail catastrophism; on the contrary, they’re indispensable to the sort of rational optimism needed to make progress against climate change.
2. Go nuclear. It’s hard to see how the United States, Europe, and other industrial nations can maintain their standards of living without a substantial increase in the use of carbon-free nuclear energy. At minimum, that means keeping existing nuclear power plants like California’s Diablo Canyon up and running – not shutting them down. It also means building new nuclear reactors, either to replace existing ones as in the UK or to make good on national commitments to carbon neutrality as in France. Here in the United States, there will need to be significant regulatory reforms to reduce the cost of nuclear construction and allow research and development of new, more advanced nuclear technology to proceed more efficiently. But there’s no politically sustainable path to net zero carbon emissions without more nuclear power capacity, most likely in combination with renewable energy sources like wind and solar as well as geothermal power and carbon capture systems.
3. Turn down the rhetorical heat. There’s no doubt that climate change is a serious problem, but extreme rhetoric doesn’t convince anyone – even those of us concerned about climate change. Though most current and former elected officials who take climate change seriously don’t indulge in the catastrophism put forward by many climate activists and advocacy groups, they still speak of a “rapidly closing window” (in President Biden’s words) to meet unrealistic and fairly arbitrary global temperature targets like 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels. But the world won’t spontaneously combust if that target isn’t hit, and too many progressives use the imagined prospect of an imminent climate apocalypse to advance largely unrelated ideological wishlists like the Green New Deal. Instead, President Biden and other political leaders should much more strongly emphasize U.S. commitments to reduce carbon emissions to net zero by 2050 – and note that other countries like China, India, and Saudi Arabia have made similar net zero pledges as well. It’s an altogether easier and more concrete way to measure progress toward an achievable objective and hold countries to their commitments."
On Juul's second point, go nuclear, I also recommend this new piece by Ted Nordhaus of the Breakthrough Institute on understanding the anti-nuclear movement, where it came from and who is behind it today.
"In the popular imagination, the central character in the decades-long campaign against nuclear energy is a hippy with a No Nukes sign. This caricature has served both nuclear advocates, who use it to characterize opponents of nuclear energy as hair-shirt wearing opponents of progress, and many “very serious” skeptics of nuclear energy, who use it to accuse nuclear advocates of being “hippy-punching nuclear bros” while simultaneously distancing themselves from the extreme claims and wild exaggerations that the “according to Hoyle” anti-nuclear movement has long trafficked in.
In reality, the true face of the anti-nuclear movement today is a highly credentialed progressive policy wonk, a lawyer, or, academic, or journalist, who often claims not to be opposed to nuclear energy at all. The problem with nuclear energy, in this rendition, is not the risk of a “china syndrome” style meltdown, it’s that nuclear power plants are just too darn expensive to build......
What has been clear, from the beginning of the nuclear era is that when nations decide that they want or need nuclear energy, they can and have repeatedly taken steps to put programs and regulations in effect that allow them to have it, safely and at a reasonable cost. This has been true in France, Korea, Japan, even Germany, and today in China. The US was always to some degree an outlier. Our great nuclear build-out in the 1960s and 70s was less a response to energy scarcity than a Cold War showpiece. There were always abundant fossil fuels available domestically. When environmental opinion, and then elite opinion more broadly, turned against it, there were plenty of cheap, albeit dirty alternatives available - first coal then, from the late 80’s onward, oil and gas.
Opinion on the subject has started to turn again, largely driven by concern among left-of-center folks about climate change and rising concern, more generally, about energy prices, as natural gas prices have risen substantially and the realities of attempting to operate a grid primarily with intermittent sources of renewable energy have begun to hit home. It turns out that the only thing more costly than trying to build out a zero-carbon grid with nuclear energy, even with all the challenges associated with building large, current generation, light water reactors in the current regulatory and political environment, is trying to build out a zero-carbon grid without nuclear energy.
The problem is that the constituencies most committed to tackling climate change are also those most ambivalent about nuclear energy. Similarly, the elite technocrats and experts most skeptical that nuclear energy can overcome the many significant obstacles it faces to broad commercialization have in fact been the architects of most of those obstacles. Of these, the elites, in my opinion, are the greater problem, because they provide the rationalizations that many left-of-center generalists follow and are deeply embedded in universities, environmental NGOs, Democratic politics, and the NRC itself. If nuclear is to have any future in the United States and play a role, as it almost certainly must, in the effort to deeply decarbonize the US economy, they will need to be confronted."

Tuesday, November 16, 2021

Unify, Don't Divide. The Road to a Successful Progressive Politics.

Work and family. Universal Rights. Patriotism. Time for the left to get its act together and concentrate on what can unify, not divide, the American people. John Halpin and Peter Juul explain at The Liberal Patriot:
"The splits in the American electorate are well documented, along not only partisan lines but also along racial, gender, generational, regional, and educational lines. Trying to win elections by maximizing the participation of any one or small combination of these groups through polarizing ideological politics simply doesn’t work for Democrats.
One, because most Democrats and other Americans are normal working- and middle-class voters, not vanguards of the revolution. Two, because the imbalance of the American system—particularly the Senate and the Electoral College but also heavily gerrymandered House districts—means Democrats must compete in areas of the country with many voters who are either skeptical or outright hostile to their party brand. They will need to bring in more independents and Biden Republicans if they want to build viable majorities in the states and federal government.
Is this structural imbalance unfair and illogical? Yes, in a majoritarian sense and in practical terms of getting things done. But if you run a political party you must deal with things as they are today while working to improve political systems over the longer term.
You can’t build majority coalitions within this existing structure without first devising a strategy to get lots of people who don’t like Democrats to get behind some shared values and priorities that transcend all the differences and mutual distrust that divide people these days. Democrats will need to define and rally disparate people around a vision of the common good that advances equal dignity and rights for all people and delivers economic success for the entire nation....
Work and family. Nothing is more central to the well-being of people and their sense of dignity than a meaningful and well-paid job that supports a stable family life. Regardless of where you’re from or what you think about the world, work and family are shared priorities that unite Americans. Democrats need to be the party of workers and their families above all else....
Universal rights. Politics needs aspirational values to help people get beyond divisions and rank selfishness, or else the country just falls apart as people retreat into their own enclaves and gated communities. It’s not hard to do this. The Golden Rule, for example, is one of the most cited but underused theorems in all of politics. “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you,” is a pretty good guide to morality, politics, and life....
Democrats need to stop appealing to voters based on divergent group characteristics and start appealing to voters based on a common sense of political equality, universal rights, and economic opportunity for everyone.
Patriotism. Political parties that constantly dunk on their own country’s failings don’t normally do well. People of all stripes want and need to believe in their own country, warts and all. Common citizenship is one thing we share and our democratic values are worth defending and upholding across generations.
So, Americans need to know Democrats see the country as fundamentally a good place, not a rotten one that is irredeemable. This doesn’t mean burying our heads in the sand. Rather, it means understanding that America has made enormous progress over its long history and highlighting how Americans of many backgrounds fought hard and continue to fight—through their individual actions and through our legal systems—to collectively overcome discrimination and exclusion of people in ways that undermine our national values....
Beyond embracing our complex history as a nation, it’s also important to convey that America still has a lot to do to maintain its democracy and keep up its position in the world. We don’t want to fall behind in the global economy. Democrats therefore need to advance a patriotic project of national rebuilding—in all parts of the country and for all kinds of people—as a central driving force in politics....
Politics works best when different groups of people get together to overcome their differences to promote shared values and aspirations and advance shared priorities that help all people. Politics doesn’t work at all if every group pushes their own agenda and expects everyone else to accept it as the top priority.
This is the project Democrats need to embrace if they want to win more elections in more places, bolster the national economy, and pass more state and federal legislation to help workers and families across the country. Building political unity is a hard business, and Democrats need to treat it like one if they want to be successful going forward."
Read the whole thing at The Liberal Patriot. And subscribe!

Monday, November 15, 2021

The Nuclear Comeback!

It's happening baby! Alas, COP26 didn't help it along as much as it should have which is really too bad. No worries, I've still got my nuclear power smiley face button at the ready!
Gabrielle Gurley at The American Prospect runs down what's been happening and how COP26 dropped the ball.
"A strange thing happened on the way to COP26. Japanese voters returned the Liberal Democratic Party to power, and its leader, Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, is a supporter of nuclear energy and of restarting the country’s sidelined nuclear plants. Elsewhere, French President Emmanuel Macron once wanted to backtrack on France’s all-in nuclear strategy, but now he intends to bankroll a new generation of nuclear facilities to replace its aging plants. The United States trumpeted its pursuit of state-of-the-art nuclear reactors, while Britain crowed about its commitments to nuclear energy....
You might suppose that the planet’s premier international climate conference could be a safe space to thrash out the varying takes on the role of nuclear energy in dealing with the climate crisis and getting to net zero. But the world’s second most widely used clean-energy source has had something of a pariah status at COP26. The climate summit’s refusal to acknowledge nuclear power’s singular role in global energy production and its possible viability as a bridge fuel says more than streets full of anti-nuclear protesters ever could about the controversial space that nuclear energy occupies in the global decarbonization debate....
In COP26’s first week, climate negotiators made significant strides by agreeing to curtail methane emissions and dial back deforestation. The most surprising shift was a commitment to a two-pronged phaseout of coal supported by developed countries and developing countries alike (although the U.S., U.K., and Canada declined to make the leap, pledging only to end investments in fossil fuel plants abroad). But with European Union countries at odds on nuclear, and facing an imminent EU financing decision on which energy sources the bloc counts as green, COP26 opted to keep the nuclear question as unanswered, and undiscussed, as possible, and accorded the lowest of low profiles to the nuclear energy advocates in attendance.
The choices confronting the international community about nuclear power are both urgent and difficult. Countries have to balance concerns over the economic role, as well as the safety and security, of a net-zero energy source already in use against the reality of rapid planetary degradation. That explains the recent dash of some political leaders to SMRs, which give the appearance of being a viable technology though they are years away from deployment. What’s emerging is a discordant free-for-all that edges nuclear energy forward without coordinated leadership, much less consensus. Or, as IAEA Director General Rafael Mariano Grossi, who was advised to stay home but showed up at COP26 anyway, brazenly told Bloomberg Green, “The message to the public is that nuclear will be a very useful element in the equation, whether you like it or not.”
But if COP26 can’t offer a viable forum to kick-start the debate about the role of nuclear energy and new technologies on the road to net zero, just how, when, and where on Earth does it happen?"
Where indeed? But, regardless, the nuclear comeback is likely to continue.
May be an image of outdoors

That Swingin' 2020 Election