Tuesday, January 26, 2021

Expanding the Biden Coalition

My new post on The Liberal Patriot!
"Biden got 51 percent of the vote in 2020, enough to win the election, but hardly a dominant majority. And Democrats’ downballot performance was distinctly inferior, leading to disappointing performance in Senate, House and state legislative races. The Biden administration now confronts a divided country racked by twin pandemic and economic crises. In the not so far distance looms the 2022 midterm elections where an incoming Presidential administration traditionally loses ground. The last time Democrats faced this situation in 2010 they suffered massive losses.
The imperative here is expand the Biden coalition............"
Click through to read the whole thing. And subscribe!

And While You're Worrying About Things, Don't Forget About Redistricting!

Yes, it is happening, yes, it will affect 2022 elections substantially and yes the GOP has the advantage (gulp).
David Wasserman lays out the landscape:
'Between COVID-19-related Census delays and a few other events consuming the political world, the decennial redistricting process is off to a slow start. Yet in a few short months, phalanxes of cartographers and lawyers — and perhaps some normal people — will descend upon state capitals and courts in a bare-knuckled race to reshape the nation's political boundaries for the next decade.
The stakes couldn't be much higher: Democrats hold their narrowest House majority since the 1930s, and even tiny line changes could tip control in 2022. Although it's become fashionable to decry gerrymandering, the Supreme Court in 2019 refused to rein in the practice and Democrats' efforts to curb it in Congress appear to be headed nowhere absent ending the filibuster in the Senate.
That all but assures the parties will be locked in a high-tech arms race to maximize their seats in states they control, and initial analysis shows Republicans could gain enough seats through new maps alone to make the House a Toss Up.
In 2011, Republicans leveraged their huge state-level gains in the 2010 midterms to clobber Democrats in the redistricting process, enshrining their House majority for three straight elections until 2018's "blue wave." And had courts not invalidated GOP-drawn maps in Florida (2016), Virginia (2016), Pennsylvania (2018) and North Carolina (2020), Nancy Pelosi likely wouldn't be speaker today.
A lot has changed since ten years ago. Redistricting has exploded in the public's consciousness — especially on the left —guaranteeing more scrutiny of a process notorious for backroom deal-making. And thanks to reform-minded state ballot initiatives and more Democratic governors, independent commissions and Democrats will wield slightly more influence this cycle.
Both parties have prepared extensively for this war. The National Democratic Redistricting Committee, led by Eric Holder and executive director Kelly Ward Burton, and the National Republican Redistricting Trust, led by finance chair Scott Walker and executive director Adam Kincaid, serve as their parties' strategic and legal clearinghouses and will spend over $100 million.
In particular, Democrats are much better-prepared and funded than last time, when they were blindsided. The NDRC and its affiliates have raised over $80 million (the NRRT has set a public goal of $35 million) and have already quietly spent millions on successful pushes to pass new commissions in Michigan and Colorado, overturn GOP maps in court and elect more Democratic governors.
Republicans may not be as dominant as they were in 2011 when they redrew nearly five times as many congressional seats as Democrats. But they still hold far more raw power. They fared well in 2020's state legislative elections and maintained control of several huge prizes: Texas, Florida, Georgia and North Carolina, which are collectively poised to gain six seats from the Census.
Our initial forecast is that Republicans might reasonably expect to net between zero to ten seats from new maps. In other words, they could gain all six seats they need for House control from reapportionment and redistricting alone.
But keep in mind: as large as redistricting looms over the 2022 House fight, it can't and won't determine control by itself. There will still be dozens of competitive districts next year (especially in states where commissions or courts end up drawing maps), and candidate recruitment and the larger political environment will still end up helping decide which party captures 218 seats."
Daunting, no? Democrats really, really need a good two years if they hope to hold onto Congress after 2022. And you know what I think about how to get those good two years.
No photo description available.

Saturday, January 23, 2021

Krugman-Klein Theory and the Tasks of the Biden Administration

Kaluza-Klein theory is, as you know, a classical unified field theory of gravitation and electromagnetism built around the idea of a fifth dimension beyond the usual four of space and time and considered an important precursor to string theory. This won't do the Biden administration much good but what I am dubbing Krugman-Klein theory just might. And there's no fancy mathematics, just some simple principles! (Note: Krugman and Klein aren't the only ones to have thought of these ideas but they both are very well-known and express the principles exceptionally clearly. Plus it sounds cool.)
Krugman lays out four rules for economic policy-making that should guide the administration:
"Rule #1: Don’t doubt the power of government to help. The last time Democrats took the White House, they were still in something of a reflexive cringe, halfway accepting the conservative dogma that government always does more harm than good. But everything that has happened since 2009 says that government spending can be hugely beneficial....
Rule #2: Don’t obsess about debt. Constant warnings about the dangers of government borrowing hobbled the Obama agenda almost from the start. Biden shouldn’t let that happen again....
Rule #3: Don’t worry about inflation. Constant warnings about soaring prices, combined with false claims that the government was hiding the true rate of inflation (no, this sort of thing didn’t begin with Trump) also marked the Obama years; but inflation never took off. Nonetheless, the usual suspects are ramping up to try it again....
Rule #4: Don’t count on Republicans to help govern. The original sin of Obama economic policy was the underpowered stimulus of 2009. The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act helped stabilize the economy, but it was much too small given the depths of the crisis. This isn’t hindsight; some of us were very publicly tearing our hair out in real time.
One reason the plan was too small was that Obama was trying to gain bipartisan support, rather than using reconciliation to push it through with Democratic votes."
And Klein points out the absolute centrality of moving fast to provide positive change that voters can see, feel and give government credit for.
"President Biden takes office with a ticking clock. The Democrats’ margin in the House and Senate couldn’t be thinner, and midterms typically raze the governing party. That gives Democrats two years to govern. Two years to prove that the American political system can work. Two years to show Trumpism was an experiment that need not be repeated....
This is the responsibility the Democratic majority must bear: If they fail or falter, they will open the door for Trumpism or something like it to return, and there is every reason to believe it will be far worse next time....
Among the many tributaries flowing into Trumpism, one in particular has gone dangerously overlooked. In their book “Presidents, Populism and the Crisis of Democracy,” the political scientists William Howell and Terry Moe write that “populists don’t just feed on socioeconomic discontent. They feed on ineffective government — and their great appeal is that they claim to replace it with a government that is effective through their own autocratic power.”
Donald Trump was this kind of populist. Democrats mocked his “I alone can fix it” message for its braggadocio and feared its authoritarianism, but they did not take seriously the deep soil in which it was rooted: The American system of governance is leaving too many Americans to despair and misery, too many problems unsolved, too many people disillusioned. It is captured by corporations and paralyzed by archaic rules. It is failing, and too many Democrats treat its failures as regrettable inevitabilities rather than a true crisis.
But now Democrats have another chance. To avoid the mistakes of the past, three principles should guide their efforts. First, they need to help people fast and visibly. Second, they need to take politics seriously, recognizing that defeat in 2022 will result in catastrophe. The Trumpist Republican Party needs to be politically discredited through repeated losses; it cannot simply be allowed to ride back to primacy on the coattails of Democratic failure. And, finally, they need to do more than talk about the importance of democracy. They need to deepen American democracy....
In her book “Good Enough for Government Work,” [Amy] Lerman argues that the U.S. government is caught in a reputation crisis where its poor performance is assumed, the public is attuned to its flaws and misses its virtues, and fed-up citizens stop using public services, which further harms the quality of those services. The Trump years add another dimension to the analysis: Frustration with a government that doesn’t solve problems leads people to vote for demagogic outsiders who create further crises. But this is not an inevitability. Her titular phrase, she notes, “originated during World War II to describe the exacting standards and high quality required by government.” It was only in the 1960s and ’70s that it became a slur.
It is no accident that World War II led to the idea that government work was a standard to strive for, not an outcome to fear. Crises remind us of what government is for in the first place. Biden has an extraordinary opportunity to change the relationship between the people and their government. If he succeeds, he will not only deprive authoritarian populists like Trump of energy, he will give Democrats a chance to win over voters who’ve lost faith in them, and he will give voice to millions more that the American political system has silenced. “The best thing we can do right now to reduce levels of anger and frustration on both sides of the aisle is to give people the things they need to live better lives,” said Lerman.
In other words, what Democrats need to do is simple: Just help people, and do it fast."
So there you have it: Krugman-Klein theory. The Biden administration needs to zealously apply this theory and not worry about much else. Indeed, whatever other plans they have are pretty much dependent on getting these Krugman-Klein big things right, restoring faith in effective governance and avoiding a wipe out in 2022. As Klein notes, the clock is ticking.

Yes Indeed, The US Minimum Wage Is a Disgrace

For a good defense of the $15 minimum wage, that looks fairly at the various counterarguments, see Matt Yglesias' piece. Whether the minimum wage increase can get through budget reconciliation at this point is another question. But it's still a good idea!
No photo description available.

Casey Cho, Dan Moren and 2 others

Friday, January 22, 2021

No, All His Supporters Are Not Sticking with Trump

Pew has solid data on this. Yes we wish everyone would bail out on our disgraced ex-President but that's not gonna happen in our world of negative partisanship and rampant conspiracy theories. The crazies in particular and not going to suddenly de-crazy. But that should not blind us to the fact that Trump is, in fact, losing support and that the GOP is in a world of hurt. This presents an important opportunity for Biden and the Democrats that I shall comment more on presently.
No photo description available.

Does the Center-Left Have Some Responsibility for Building National Unity?

I'd say yes, though it also fair to say that the center-right has the most responsibility for disciplining their own ranks and rooting out the crazy. But that does not absolve the center-left of significant responsibility to help move the country in the direction advocated by President Biden.
My colleague Peter Juul makes a strong case for this at The Liberal Patriot (subscribe--unlike most Substacks, all the content is free!)
"In his inaugural address, President Joe Biden made a strong plea for national unity after more than four years of division deliberately fostered by his predecessor. It’s easy – and sorely tempting – for Democrats and progressives to point their fingers solely and exclusively at conservatives and Republicans, especially when the right bears the lion’s share of responsibility and then some for the deterioration of our national politics. There’s no denying the reality that true national unity won’t be possible until the center-right cleans up its own act.
All the same, those of us on the broad center-left ought to be willing if not eager to do our part to lower the nation’s political temperature. It’s up to conservatives to regulate their own side of the political aisle, but that does not absolve liberal patriots from their own responsibilities to do the same. Leaving the matter wholly up to conservatives gives them a veto on the subject of national unity, one many on the right are already trying to use. If we’re serious about national unity along the lines put forward by President Biden, it’s incumbent upon us to act like it. To paraphrase the ancient Roman philosopher Epictetus, liberal patriots need to remember what’s under our own control and acknowledge what’s not. In the process, we may find that the center-left can expand the ranks of the “enough of us” and build the political coalitions necessary to make real progress."
Read the whole article, with some do's and don'ts for the center-left, at The Liberal Patriot!

Thursday, January 21, 2021

Turnout and the 2020 Election

It'll be awhile before we have demographic turnout data for the 2020 election--and therefore comparisons to 2016--that I will feel I can really trust. But embedded in a slide show and report available for the Voter Participation Research Center (VPC) are some interesting turnout data produced by using AP/NORC VoteCast 2020 + Pew 2016 + Census/CPS eligible voter data + official vote counts. I'd say these are pretty good for the time being and as good or better than other estimates that are floating around.
The VPC data were produced to inform their ongoing efforts to tout the "Rising American Electorate" (RAE) which they define as nonwhites + Millennials/Gen Z + unmarried women (with double counting due to overlapping categories eliminated). The analysis is a bit skewed to accentuate positive connections to their campaign which leads them to underplay a few of their findings.
One is that while RAE turnout did indeed go up (+6), it went up considerably less than it did among the non-RAE (+11). Because of this relative decline in turnout, RAE growth in voter share lagged growth in eligible voter share. While they do not provide a specific turnout figure for nonwhites, it is notable that they estimate nonwhite voter share was flat across the two elections at 26 percent, despite a 2 point increase in nonwhite eligible voter share. And they estimate black voter share actually declined from 12 to 11 percent, presumably not because absolute black turnout declined from 2016 but rather that it went significantly less than among other groups.
Much food for thought in their report and slide deck, though I would be wary of some of the interpretations, particularly around contributions to Democratic margin which are lacking a comparison to 2016. That said, this is still interesting data to sift through while we wait for better stuff to come in.
VOTERPARTICIPATION.ORG
www.voterparticipation.org